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Gustav Zhuravlev
Gustav Zhuravlev

Watch 2 Good 2 Be True Online: How to Stream or Download the Hit Philippine Show



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There is increasing concern that most current published research findings are false. The probability that a research claim is true may depend on study power and bias, the number of other studies on the same question, and, importantly, the ratio of true to no relationships among the relationships probed in each scientific field. In this framework, a research finding is less likely to be true when the studies conducted in a field are smaller; when effect sizes are smaller; when there is a greater number and lesser preselection of tested relationships; where there is greater flexibility in designs, definitions, outcomes, and analytical modes; when there is greater financial and other interest and prejudice; and when more teams are involved in a scientific field in chase of statistical significance. Simulations show that for most study designs and settings, it is more likely for a research claim to be false than true. Moreover, for many current scientific fields, claimed research findings may often be simply accurate measures of the prevailing bias. In this essay, I discuss the implications of these problems for the conduct and interpretation of research.




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What is less well appreciated is that bias and the extent of repeated independent testing by different teams of investigators around the globe may further distort this picture and may lead to even smaller probabilities of the research findings being indeed true. We will try to model these two factors in the context of similar 2 2 tables.


Corollary 3: The greater the number and the lesser the selection of tested relationships in a scientific field, the less likely the research findings are to be true. As shown above, the post-study probability that a finding is true (PPV) depends a lot on the pre-study odds (R). Thus, research findings are more likely true in confirmatory designs, such as large phase III randomized controlled trials, or meta-analyses thereof, than in hypothesis-generating experiments. Fields considered highly informative and creative given the wealth of the assembled and tested information, such as microarrays and other high-throughput discovery-oriented research [4,8,17], should have extremely low PPV.


Corollary 5: The greater the financial and other interests and prejudices in a scientific field, the less likely the research findings are to be true. Conflicts of interest and prejudice may increase bias, u. Conflicts of interest are very common in biomedical research [26], and typically they are inadequately and sparsely reported [26,27]. Prejudice may not necessarily have financial roots. Scientists in a given field may be prejudiced purely because of their belief in a scientific theory or commitment to their own findings. Many otherwise seemingly independent, university-based studies may be conducted for no other reason than to give physicians and researchers qualifications for promotion or tenure. Such nonfinancial conflicts may also lead to distorted reported results and interpretations. Prestigious investigators may suppress via the peer review process the appearance and dissemination of findings that refute their findings, thus condemning their field to perpetuate false dogma. Empirical evidence on expert opinion shows that it is extremely unreliable [28].


These corollaries consider each factor separately, but these factors often influence each other. For example, investigators working in fields where true effect sizes are perceived to be small may be more likely to perform large studies than investigators working in fields where true effect sizes are perceived to be large. Or prejudice may prevail in a hot scientific field, further undermining the predictive value of its research findings. Highly prejudiced stakeholders may even create a barrier that aborts efforts at obtaining and disseminating opposing results. Conversely, the fact that a field is hot or has strong invested interests may sometimes promote larger studies and improved standards of research, enhancing the predictive value of its research findings. Or massive discovery-oriented testing may result in such a large yield of significant relationships that investigators have enough to report and search further and thus refrain from data dredging and manipulation.


For fields with very low PPV, the few true relationships would not distort this overall picture much. Even if a few relationships are true, the shape of the distribution of the observed effects would still yield a clear measure of the biases involved in the field. This concept totally reverses the way we view scientific results. Traditionally, investigators have viewed large and highly significant effects with excitement, as signs of important discoveries. Too large and too highly significant effects may actually be more likely to be signs of large bias in most fields of modern research. They should lead investigators to careful critical thinking about what might have gone wrong with their data, analyses, and results.


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Nevertheless, most new discoveries will continue to stem from hypothesis-generating research with low or very low pre-study odds. We should then acknowledge that statistical significance testing in the report of a single study gives only a partial picture, without knowing how much testing has been done outside the report and in the relevant field at large. Despite a large statistical literature for multiple testing corrections [37], usually it is impossible to decipher how much data dredging by the reporting authors or other research teams has preceded a reported research finding. Even if determining this were feasible, this would not inform us about the pre-study odds. Thus, it is unavoidable that one should make approximate assumptions on how many relationships are expected to be true among those probed across the relevant research fields and research designs. The wider field may yield some guidance for estimating this probability for the isolated research project. Experiences from biases detected in other neighboring fields would also be useful to draw upon. Even though these assumptions would be considerably subjective, they would still be very useful in interpreting research claims and putting them in context.


While staying at the Hodgson residence, Ed and Lorraine consult other paranormal investigators, including Maurice Grosse and Anita Gregory, on the legitimacy of the case. Gregory presents video evidence of Janet wrecking the kitchen on purpose, thereby discrediting the haunting. Based on this, Ed and Lorraine decide to leave, believing the family is lying for fame. However, they discover that the spirit of Wilkins is only a pawn being manipulated by the true demon, the powerful nun, who is seeking to break Janet's will. Lorraine realizes that her abilities had been blocked by the nun, preventing her from grasping the truth of Janet's possession.


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Braxton-Hicks contractions, also known as prodromal or false labor pains, are contractions of the uterus that typically are not felt until the second or third trimester of the pregnancy. Braxton-Hicks contractions are the body's way of preparing for true labor, but they do not indicate that labor has begun. Because many pregnant patients have not been educated about Braxton-Hicks contractions, they often seek care and undergo unnecessary evaluation for these contractions. This activity reviews the evaluation and management of patients with Braxton-Hicks contractions and highlights the role of the interprofessional team in educating the patient about the condition.


Braxton Hicks contractions are sporadic contractions and relaxation of the uterine muscle. Sometimes, they are referred to as prodromal or false labor" pains. It is believed they start around 6 weeks gestation but usually are not felt until the second or third trimester of the pregnancy. Braxton Hicks contractions are the body's way of preparing for true labor, but they do not indicate that labor has begun or is going to start.


Braxton Hicks contractions can be differentiated from the contractions of true labor. Braxton Hicks contractions are irregular in duration and intensity, occur infrequently, are unpredictable and non-rhythmic, and are more uncomfortable than painful. Unlike true labor contractions, Braxton Hicks contractions do not increase in frequency, duration, or intensity. Also, they lessen and then disappear, only to reappear at some time in the future. Braxton Hicks contractions tend to increase in frequency and intensity near the end of the pregnancy. Women often mistake Braxton Hicks contractions for true labor. However, unlike true labor contractions, Braxton Hicks contractions do not cause dilatation of the cervix and do not culminate in birth.


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